JON CAVAIAN'S EXPERIENCE AS A PRISONER OF WAR AND MEMBER OF THE "PEACE COMMITTEE" JON WAS NOT A "collaborator" (Traitor also known as "Duck")   see research below that validates this finding.  

As you know by being on this site, I am a Special Forces SOG vet, retired Army Captain. My brother was a Special Forces Medic and was Killed in Action in Vietnam. If I though for a moment that Jon had betrayed our nation, I would have had nothing to do with him.

I consider Jon Cavainai as a personal friend. I first had contact with him back in the late 70's as we had both served on Hill 950, my service was a year prior to his. During our initial contact he related his experience as a Prisoner of War and the "Peace Committee" At that time, I didn't know squat about the "Peace Committee." He told me that he joined the Peace Committee and was working for Colonel Guy. I had no reason to question him so I never contacted Col Guy. Col Guy is now deceased and cannot affirm or deny Jon's claims; however, I had Jon present in writing his actions/reflections on his experience and I have come across two books that substantiates his claims and an email that have a direct bearing on Jon Cavaiani presented below: The first is "Honor Bound -- American Prisoners of War in Southeast Asia 1961-1973" by Stuart I. Rochester and Fredrick Kiley, Naval Institute Press, Annapolis Maryland, 1998. The second by a prisoner of war who was a member of the Peace Committee BLACK PRISONER OF WAR, A CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTOR'S VIETNAM MEMOIR,  by James A Daly and Lee Bergman, University Press of Kansas. The Email is from Joe Oliver, dated Jul 23, 2014 discussing Col Ted Guy and Col. Gordon "Swede" Larson, both USAF (ret) Former PoW/SRO NVN on the Traitors/Ducks- Robert L. Noe, Cpt, USASF

Reflections by Jon Cavaiani on his experience to Cpt (USASF Ret) Robert L. Noe
    During the attack on Hill 950, I had killed the son of the "NVA" commander with a Gerber knife and his father was ready for me when I was returned to his camp with a Gerber sheath strapped to my leg.  My interpreter, Thant, told me I should answer all their questions but that was not a part of the Code of Conduct, therefore, I couldn't give out any information.
 
    Four days Later, after I was taken for my first formal interrogation, I faced, the rude, crude and socially unacceptable interrogation techniques.  My captured Montagnards were put on their knees and I was asked about our unit and our modes-operandi.  I gave them my name, rank and serial number.  They then put a pistol to one of my seriously wounded Montagnard's head and said give me name, rank and serial number again and I will kill your man.  They killed my man then moved on to one of my other Montagnards and made the same request; they killed him as well.  I told them to kill the rest of my Montagnards and come on back and kill me; for if I was ever going to tell them anything they could forget it now.
 
    Understand one thing about me. My Montagnards were closer than my own brother.  I told the interrogator go ahead and kill me and my men as I wasn't going to say anything that would put another person in harms way.  They proceeded to break many of my ribs on the left side and when they cut me down they fractured three vertebrae.
 
    I was moved to Vinh, North Vietnam, with my interpreter and eight other Montagnards.  As we moved to the rail yard I noticed my interpreter push several of my Yards and at the time it didn't mean much.   Once we were on the train for about eight hours, I moved over in the cattle car and asked one of my Yards a question and he said "The train had many eyes." I move away from him until we reached a camp about two to two and a half hours from Hanoi.  The train stopped and the Montagnards were taken off the train at what I can only describe as a North Vietnamese re-education camp for my Yards.
 
    When Thant leapt from the train and a North Vietnamese friend of his presented him with his Sub-Lieutenant uniform, I knew he was a North Vietnamese Soldier and he knew every operation I was on with him.
 
    I stayed on the train for another two hours before being taken to a camp about an hour from Hanoi.  I was to spend six days in this camp and was interrogated every night but one. While I was there, the two Canberra pilots in the cell next to me never came home.
 
    I was then moved to Plantation Gardens for one night then moved to the Zoo.  I was interrogated by "Dumbo", an Oxford University, England, graduate who spoke fluent English.  I again met "Jeff"  in the "Mutt and Jeff Interrogation techniques".   Later I was moved back to the Plantation Garden's until I was transferred to the "Hanoi Hilton"; December 27,1972
 
    After about a year at the "Plantation Gardens" I was ashamed by the conduct of the "Peace Committee" (PC'S).  The soldiers in the PC's were flipping off and giving our, Senior Ranking American Officer, (SRO) Ted Guy total disrespect of his command.  This was totally unacceptable to me.
 
    During my stay in isolation, for pissing off the political officer, I noticed that the drop site for our messages was compromised and was forced to send LTC Guy (SRO) a message stating that our safe drop was compromised.  The only way I could do this was to get a message to him.  I told the guard that my bread was sour and that it should be given to Ted Guy.  The guard made sure that our SRO got the message.  Months later, LTC Ted Guy told me that he got the message but almost got caught as he always destroyed the bread he didn't eat and the guard was looking in when he took a bite of the bread and pulled out the note I had hidden in the bread and it was stuck between his lips.  All he could think to do was ask for a light.  We laughed over that one.
 
    Insulted by the actions of the PC's I decided to join them and break them up.  Old Special Forces Training.  I felt that I could succeed in disrupting the PC's.  I felt that the Political Officer "Cheese" would see right though my attempt to infiltrate the PC's , but he didn't catch on. 
   
    Once I joined the PC's, I saw that the guys in the sick room were better fed.  I was obligated to do what I had to do to continue living with the PC's.  After about a week with the PCs, I was asked to sign a letter that protested the war in Vietnam, which I reluctantly signed, wanting to continue breaking up the PC's.  I continued my stay in the PC's room and documenting gratuities received, statements made and in general creating dissension amongst the PC's. (divide and conquer).  Eventually, I had the PC's fighting in the compound.
 
    It wasn't until the Vietnamese told the PC's that the war was about to end that the PC's got together and talked about what they were going to do.  They talked to one another and realized that I had created dissension in their ranks. It was at this time when I got to meet my first North Vietnamese General who explained to me that if I broke one camp regulation that I would be executed in front of the men in the camp.
 
    Three weeks later, the 27th of December, we were moved to the Hanoi Hilton and about a week later I had learned that Le Duc Ta and Kissinger had signed an agreement and immediately tapped out, that the "war was over" to LTC Ted Guy, Major Montague and CWO Ziegler.  LTC Guy Tapped me back and asked me to let all the other POW's know.  I did and LTC Guy and I were in with other POW's when we were notified by the Vietnamese Commander that we were to be released.
 
"Ted Guy asked me to be a witness against the PCs.  CW2 Zigler also contacted me and asked me if I would testify against the PCs.  I told him yes. I was officially debriefed as to the violations of the Code of Conduct that the Peace Committee violated. and therefore had conversations with the Army CID. 
I don't know if I was on the list of witnesses, but Col Guy knew I was available.
 
    Sergeant Major, (then SSG Jon R. Cavaiani), TF1AE, MACVSOG.    Dated: 15 December, 2009

 

HONOR BOUND -- American Prisoners of War in Southeast Asia 1961-1973" by Stuart I. Rochester and Fredrick Kiley, Naval Institute Press, Annapolis Maryland, 1998. The sources the authors cite for page 562 (and 563) are Grant, "Survivors," Daly and Bergman, "A Hero's Welcome" and Myers, "Vietnam POW Camp Histories."  This is considered the most definitive work on Prisoners of War during the Vietnam war. (Thanks to Louis GIRDLER, for these two pages)

 

BLACK PRISONER OF WAR, A CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTOR'S VIETNAM MEMOIR,  by James A Daly and Lee Bergman, University Press of Kansas
PEACE COMMITTEE: Chapter 19 of the book describes the Peace Committee and notes James A. Daly joined the Peace Committee December 28, 1971, another joined shortly after him for a total of 8 active members (five Army, three Marines) in the Plantation Gardens Prisoner of War Camp, the commander of the American Prisoner of War was the Senior Ranking Officer, Colonel Theodore Guy. The members of the Peace Committee were Pro Communist and aided the North Vietnamese, even to the point all eight members signed a letter to the North Vietnamese Camp Commander stating they were willing to join the North Vietnamese Army to fight against Americans, An earlier incident before Daly (according to Daly) joined involved (Page 228) AF Captain Edward W. Leonard, Jr, ordered them to "stop" their Anti-American activities wherein the Peace Committee members gave him the middle finger. Later, four attritional member joined the Peace Committee, one of which was Jon Cavaiani.
 
 
EXCERTS OF THE BOOK PERTAINING TO JON CAVAINI AND THE PEACE COMMITTEE 
Page 210: "It continued like this, easy going and friendly, even after Fred Elbert cam in." Note: Elbert made the 8th member before the other four joined.
 
Page 214: "Within a short time of each other four more joined the PC following Fred Elbert: Don MacPhail, Jon Cavaiani, John Sparks and Dennis Tellier. Branch had been dead set against admitting any of them. We should have listened to him. After the trial period and interviews, Branch was not at all convinced that the four were sincere in why they wanted in--and, actually, we all had our doubts. We wondered if they'd understand our studying books by Marx and Lenin. We even considered the crazy possibility that maybe they were put up to joining the Peace Committee as spies for Colonel Guy.
 
Page 214:  "Weather planned or not, it didn't take long for the trouble to start."
 
Page 215-216: "Thinking back on it, it's easier to understand how Cavaiani began to influence some of the guys the way he did. In most POW groups, there was one guy who was especially looked up to, usually because he was the brightest."   "...then a guy like Cavaiani would come alone--older, wealthy, college-educated. One of the first things, I noticed was how after Cavaiani started to work in the camp flower garden everyday, it was no time before Riati went out with him to mess with the flowers. Then you'd always see the two of them together. Soon Kavanaugh and Rayford began to hang around with them all the time, and , before long Sparks and MacPhail, too. Little by little, they started to stick by themselves. The split started without any of us realizing it, and we only found out later why it kept getting wider. What we didn't know was that Cavaiani was going from one guy to another, spreading rumors, like telling someone that he was being put down by someone else in the other room, things like that. Before long, half the guys were carrying grudges against somebody. The atmosphere was seldom ever friendly, the way it had been. And though there still weren't any out-and-out arguments or fights at that time, we were really split right down the middle. One room didn't visit the other, and soon we weren't even eating at the same table. Then the idea got around that maybe all of us in the PC had really been brainwashed by the North Vietnamese after all, that they only let us believe we were making our own decisions about things. I was really surprised when I heard Riati and Kavanaugh talk like that, and my guess was that Cavaiani had got them thinking that way. Next thing, fighting started. Even among guys in the same room. Stupid fights, over nothing."
 
Page 217 "Then, Cavaiani told *Mr. Bad that some of the guys didn't want to study communism like the others. He claimed this was behind most of the trouble. The next day, all literature was taken out of the sleeping rooms. We were told there were to be no more open political discussions.
    *Mr. Bad was a nickname for the North Vietnamese Political Officer.
 
Page 218  "Night after night, we kicked it around. As far as the eight of us were concerned, we knew enough now not to count on the other four. No matter how many times they'd tried to make it seem that they thought and believed as we did, somehow, all of us had always had our doubts. Now, with it beginning to look like the peace agreements could happen any day, it was clearer than ever that MacPhail, Sparks, Tellier and Caviani were withdrawn from the rest of us."
 
Page 219  "A few nights later, MacPhail and Cavaiani came by to talk with me. The three of us went outside, away from the others.  We know you're not like the rest, they said. Then they tried to convince me I should return home, how important it was for me if I wanted to be active in the Jehovah' Witnesses. What they had no way of knowing, of course, was that by then I had serious doubts about joining the church."
    MEMO: The eight members had submitted a request for asylum in Sweden and if that did not work to remain in North Vietnamese, see page 218
 
Page 232 "Immediately, with the signing (of the peace accords), all restrictions on going out were lifted, Even the PC could mix with the others now.....Cavaiani, Tellier, MacPhail and Sparks went charging outside the first day...It didn't take long for the four of them to start talking to Colonel Guy and the other officers,..."  Then Mr. Bad called the eight of us into his office. He told us now Cavaiani, MacPhail, Sparks, and Tellier had requested to be moved away from the Peace Committee. Mr. Bad had observed how they'd met with Colonel Guy and the others officers, and now he decided not to allow them to separate from the PC, just like that."
 
Page 232 "We were finally separated from Cavaiani, MacPhail, Sparks, and Tellier.
 
Page 258 "All eight members of the Peace Committee had been charged by Colonel Guy with failure to adhere to the Code of Conduct for prisoners of war. Aside from promoting disloyalty, undermining discipline and aiding the enemy, we were all accused of failure to obey a lawful order and disrespect toward a superior officer."
 
Page 259 "It wasn't until July 3, 1974, that the army and the navy finally made a decision. On that day, all charges brought by Colonel Guy were dismissed for insufficient evidence."
 
Page 262 "The Pentagon announced that Edward W. Leonard, now a major in the air force, had filed charges of mutiny against seven former prisoners of war--the same group of enlisted men who had recently been cleared of misconduct charges! Major Leonard accused the army of having failed to investigate the earlier charges filed by Air Force Colonel Theodore W. Guy."
 
Page 264 "...the office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense put out a news release stating that sixty-five of sixty-seven witnesses listed by Major Leonard had been interviewed, and it was found that 'much of the expected testimony would be hearsay and inadmissible as evidence in a judicial proceeding."
I picked the below correspondence off of an email by Joe Oliver,(CGE) Certified Gringo Editor, News & Views, Not Politically Correct, No Speil Chicker No Grammatics (Got Gramm A Tic Colla) Not A Yes Man Houston, TX USA and PROUD of It!  that was making its round last month, Jul 2014 and it bears directly on my research and validates Jon Cavaiani did not betray his country 
1st: Col. Gordon "Swede" Larson, USAF (ret) Former PoW/SRO NVN is copied in on this send. He worked with SRO Ted Guy at The Plantation "Villa" and can verify if what I state is truth or fiction.

2nd: I received some nasty comeback about Jon Cavaiani, CMOH - and he being a "collaborator" (Traitor also known as "Duck") while at the Plantation. I want to state, unless Col. Guy was delusional from all the torture he endured, that Jon's name was never mentioned to me by Col. Guy as being a "duck" nor one he tried to prosecute. His list was short and sweet. Therefore this send is dedicated to Col. Ted Guy, USAF (RET) Former PoW/SRO. Interesting to note: Not one (1) Air Force or Navy "Duck" - at least at the Plantation where Cavaiani was mainly located.
I can not raise Col. Guy from the dead ( May he rest in peace ) and Col. Larson claims he's no longer a spring chicken "flying around" but he still has his earthly wings ( so to say ) and I will post if he replies to the contrary of what follows...........................................................................................(Col Larson - Poster hangs in pentagon).........

The Duck List by SRO Ted Guy ( Last name - first, Service, Traitor)
Plantation Branch Mike, USA "Ducks"
Plantation Chenoweth Robert, USA "Ducks"
Plantation Daley James, USA "Ducks"
Plantation Elbert Fred, USMC "Ducks"
Plantation Kavanaugh Able, USMC "Ducks"
Plantation Rayford King, USA "Ducks"
Plantation Riate Alfonso, USMC "Ducks"
Plantation Young John, USA "Ducks"

When [Ted] Guy showed up [at Farnsworth] in June [1970], he found half the POWs still in solitary and interrogations and regulations still much in evidence.

‘We were getting only two meals a day, roughly half the food I’d received in Hanoi, and were down to two cigarettes,’ he recalled…”

[Rifts developed among the enlisted personnel – some resisters, others informants]. “The rifts would harden but conditions finally improved after Thanksgiving 1970, when the Son Tay raid caused the Vietnamese to close the camp and bus the entire group, officers and enlisted, into town to the [reopened] Plantation.”

Ted Guy was transferred to the reopened Plantation on 25 November 1970 [15]. “At the [reopened] Plantation, torture remained much in vogue [there, from the time that it reopened in 1970] through early 1972 [the year before the POWs returned home]. [Guy] remained isolated, but was now in a cell from which he was able to at least see other Americans. He did not always like what he saw.

Among the fifty-odd prisoners were some of the most disgustingly obsequious Americans in Guy’s knowledge, men who could not seem to snap to attention fast enough when a Vietnamese approached, who bowed and scraped to their captors in the most servile fashion.

The feisty Guy was so sickened at this and, in his isolation, frustrated at being unable to provide the kind of leadership that might get it stopped.”

“The men with whom Guy was primarily concerned were a small group [of mostly enlisted men] who were showered with all sorts of favors and special treatment by the enemy.

They were free from early morning until late at night to do much as they pleased in their corner of the yard. They visited at will with one another, played basketball, exercised in other ways, seemed free to bathe whenever they wished, and sunned themselves, eventually acquiring nice suntans.

While the quantity and quality of the food most of the prisoners now were receiving was much improved over what they had been getting at D-1 [Farnsworth], it was poor fare compared to what these eight were to receive as time passed:

thermos jugs full of steaming coffee, sugar, and condensed milk; ample supplies of eggs, beef, port, and fish; cigarettes, fruit, candy, and, occasionally, beer.

These men gladly accepted this preferred treatment. Guy would later identify them as Robert Chenoweth, Alfonso Riate, Michael Branch, John A. Young, and Abel Larry Kavanaugh.”

“In April 1971, Guy got his first cellmate, Army Maj. Artice W. Elliot, a Green Beret officer who had been captured at Pleiku on April 25, 1970. Elliot had also observed these men and had come to the same conclusion as Guy. Other prisoners watched, too, and now referred to the five as the Ducks, for the way they would scamper to and follow Vietnamese bearing goodies.”

“During the first half of 1970 at the Plantation, it seemed to Ted Guy that prisoners were on the camp radio all the time, propagandizing for the enemy. Most spoke in strained voices and used Communist jargon – it was clear they had not written the stuff and were speaking under duress.

But the propaganda material issuing from the Ducks was far from halfhearted. It was also heard over Hanoi’s ‘Voice of Vietnam’ and the Viet Cong’s clandestine ‘Liberation Radio.’

“The Plantation soon was alive with communications. SRO Guy found that the bulk of the prisoner population was enlisted men and that they wanted nothing so much as strong leadership. He promulgated policies virtually identical to the BACK US policy Jim Stockdale had established at Hoa Lo years earlier, but urged a gradual buildup of the resistance campaign in order to soften the Vietnamese reaction.”

“The campaign began far from gradually. One July day [in 1971], seven Americans advised their captors that they had no intention of again bowing to any Vietnamese, nor would they write or tape-record anything more for them. SRO guy’s fears proved to be well founded. The enemy launched a vicious round of beatings and torture. Guy watched through the gaps and holes in his cell door, full of angry pride, as defiant Americans were marched into torture chambers. Each man who went in would emerge days later, pale, drawn, barely able to walk. The effeminate Vietnamese officer, whom the prisoners called Cheese, was happily supervising the program.”

One day when Captain Leonard saw the Ducks passing within range of his voice, he “…put down his razor [while shaving] and, recognizing Kavanaugh, [one of the Ducks] addressed himself to him loud enough so all could hear: ‘Kavanaugh, you and your men are to stop all forms of cooperation and collaboration with the enemy.’ ‘We’ll do what we want,’ Kavanaugh replied. ‘F…. you, Captain Leonard,’ shouted one of the others, whom Leonard would later identify as Alfonso Riate. Despite their response, Leonard felt that something important had been accomplished: he had issued a direct order, and the men to whom he had issued the order had indicated by their response that they knew him to be an officer and also that they had understood his order. There was nothing more that he could do but wait, and wonder what would happen to him. He watched the Ducks walk on.”

“Shortly, they passed Camp SRO Guy’s cell. Guy had not heard the exchange, but he heard them laughing and joking about it with each other, and with a Vietnamese guard who was with them. He heard an American saying, ‘…told me to stop collaborating with the enemy. I asked him who the enemy was.’ As quickly as Guy learned what had happened he ordered all other Plantation Americans to break off any contact that might have been established with the Ducks. To the SRO it seemed clear that within the group were men who were at least as dangerous to the other captive Americans as the most dedicated of their Vietnamese enemy. At the same time, Guy directed that all other Americans observe the group as much as possible and report all pertinent information on them directly to himself. Foreseeing the possibility of future legal action against members of the group, he made it plain that he was interested only in firsthand knowledge, that no hearsay would be accepted.”

“Leonard did not have long to wait to learn what would happen to him. Within an hour of his confrontation with the Ducks, he was in solitary, locked in leg irons. He was to remain in solitary for the next eight months.

 

Col. Ted W. Guy, 4-18-29 to 4-23-99SRO at the Plantation was Air Force Lt. Col. Ted Guy. The combative Guy had been downed in Laos on March 22, 1968. He was captured after shooting it out with some North Vietnamese soldiers, killing at least two of them. After capture he had been subjected to all the tortures which by this time the Vietnamese were routinely inflicting on their American prisoners. He had spent the next thirty-seven months in solitary confinement—first at the Plantation, then in Vegas, on to D-1, and back to the Plantation on November 25, 1970. He remained isolated, but was now in a cell from which he was able to at least see other Americans. He did not always like what he saw. Among the fifty-odd prisoners were some of the most disgustingly obsequious Americans in Guy's knowledge, men who could not seem to snap to attention fast enough when a Vietnamese approached, who bowed and scraped to their captors in the most servile fashion.

The feisty Guy was sickened at this and, in his isolation, frustrated at being unable to provide the kind of leadership that might get it stopped.

The men with whom Guy was primarily concerned were a small group who were showered with all sorts of favors and special treatment by the enemy. They were free from early morning until late at night to do much as they pleased in their corner of the yard. They visited at will with one another, played basketball, exercised in other ways, seemed free to bathe whenever they wished, and sunned themselves, eventually acquiring nice suntans. While the quantity and quality of the food most of the prisoners now were receiving was much improved over what they had been getting at D-l, it was poor fare compared to what these eight were to receive as time passed: thermos jugs full of steaming coffee, sugar, and condensed milk; ample supplies of eggs, beef, pork, and fish; cigarettes, fruit, candy, and, occasionally, beer. These men gladly accepted this preferred treatment. Guy would later identify them as Robert Chenoweth, Alfonso Riate, Michael Branch, John A. Young, and Abel Larry Kavanaugh.

In April, 1971, Guy got his first cellmate, Army Maj. Artice W. Elliott, a Green Beret officer who had been captured at Pleiku on April 25, 1970. Elliott had also observed these men and had come to the same conclusion as Guy. Other prisoners watched, too, and now referred to the five as the Ducks, for the way they would scamper to and follow Vietnamese bearing goodies.

During the first half of 1970 at the Plantation, it seemed to Ted Guy that prisoners were on the camp radio all the time, propagandizing for the enemy. Most spoke in strained voices and used Communist jargon—it was clear they had not written the stuff and were speaking under duress. But the propaganda material issuing from the Ducks was far from halfhearted. It was also heard over Hanoi's "Voice of Vietnam" and the Viet Cong's clandestine "Liberation Radio." Typical was a May 14, 1971, memo signed by "Michael P. Branch, deserter," which was broadcast to American GIs in South Vietnam. The memo advised, "I've joined with a group of captured servicemen who are against the war in Vietnam." This group, said the memo, sought to "put pressure on Mr. Nixon to end the war immediately." The way to do this, the memo advised GIs, was"Together with a squad, platoon or company, refuse combat or just botch up all your operations." The memo also urged GIs to desert and told them to "get in touch with the local people who will notify the Viet Cong. They will get you to a liberated area and then they will help you to go to any country of your choosing." The memo gave assurances that no harm would befall any who opted for this course of action, explaining, "I know this for a fact, for I chose this way of getting out of the war three years ago...." The memo did not explain how it was that "Michael P. Branch, deserter" had, oddly enough, chosen to go to jail in North Vietnam. ~-~

The five delivered many such offerings over the camp radio. Inpostrelease interview John Young claimed credit for "only thirtythree," explaining that Cheese vetoed "quite a few" he thought to be "too strong." Among the Young creations Cheese apparently did not judge "too strong" was one that flabbergasted most of the Americans who heard it. In this one, delivered in late June, 1971, Young confided that "Sergeant First Class Brande at Langvei Special Forces camp told me that he was probably the only man to kill fifteen VC with fifteen rounds from his M- 16 rifle. These men all had their hands tied behind them and were on their knees."

No one was more surprised at this revelation than Brande. Brande hotly denies that he ever did any such thing. He says he did not know Young prior to capture, that he had never served with him prior to Langvei, that he spoke to him only once at Langvei, briefly and casually, and that he certainly never confessed to Young that he had committed a cold-blooded, multiple murder.

Young insists Brande admitted the murders to him back in Portholes, the jungle camp. He claims that the information had "upset" him, that he had remonstrated angrily with Brande, but that all he had received in return "was a smile." Young says his prison camp confession on Brande's behalf was made "not in an attempt to discredit him, but to bring it out that Americans are doing it. . . as a man, I don't think it's in him, but he was taught and forced to do stuff like that. . . just like me."

Most of the Americans who heard Young's allegations thought that, regardless of Brande's guilt or innocence, it was inappropriate that such charges be broadcast in the middle of an enemy prison camp. Brande himself was so fearful for his life that he thought it imperative to escape. He figured he might as well die while trying to save himself as to simply wait for the enemy to execute him.

Code of Conduct

I
I am an American, fighting in the forces which
guard my country and our way of life.
I am prepared to give my life in their defense.

II
I will never surrender of my own free will.
If in command, I will never surrender the
members of my command while they still
have the means to resist.

III
If I am captured I will continue to resist by all
means available. I will make every effort to
escape and to aid others to escape.
I will accept neither parole nor special favors
from the enemy.

IV
If I become a prisoner of war, I will keep
faith with my fellow prisoners. I will give no
information or take part in any action which
might be harmful to my comrades. If I am
senior, I will take command. If not, I will obey
the lawful orders of those appointed over me
and will back them up in every way.

V
When questioned, should I become a
prisoner of war, I am required to give name,
rank, service number, and date of birth. I
will evade answering further questions to
the utmost of my ability. I will make no oral
or written statements disloyal to my country
and its allies or harmful to their cause.

VI
I will never forget that I am an American,
fighting for freedom, responsible for my
actions, and dedicated to the principles
which made my country free. I will trust in my
God and in the United States of America

To the code of conduct, Ted Guy added his own personal code that consisted of two points. The first point was to resist until unable to resist any longer before doing anything to embarrass his family or country. The second point was to accept death before losing his honor.

Ted once said "honor is something that once you lose it you become like an insect in the jungle. You prey upon others and others prey upon you until there is nothing left. Once you lose your honor, all the gold in the world is useless in your attempt to regain it."

 

COMMENTS

NOTE: Please note that Jon does not say that Col Ted Guy authorized his actions, he states: "Insulted by the actions of the PC's I decided to join them and break them up." Indicating this was an individual action. Thus, Cavaiani was working for Col Guy indirectly, Daly's account shows Cavaiani was destructive to the "DUCKS" (Ducks was the term applied to the original 8 Peace Committee Members because of the way they followed the NVA around). Col Guy brought charges against the original eight and not those four who joined later, this leaves the question as to why Col Guy did not charge the later four unless he was convinced their actions were detrimental to the DUCKS and beneficial to Col Guy or as Cavaiani related to me, he did work for Col Guy, even if at the end. Regardless of how we look at this, it is clear based on the Ducks, they, including the NVA Political Officer, concluded Jon had worked against their cause.  This would be typical of something that a Special Forces soldier would do, they are a bit of an independent type.  As for Cavaiani saying he worked for Col Guy, all the Prisoners of War in the camp worked for Col Guy as Col Guy was the Senior Ranking Officer.

From the literature, it is alleged that a number of Prisoner of War made concessions and statements. The Military made a determination not to to court-martial anyone for making statements. Further, anyone joining any group would be required to conform with the group, so if making statements/broadcasts was the norm of the group, which it was for the Peace Committee, making such statements demonstrated a commitment to the group (Think about undercover Agents). Thus, then one would expect them to be made. Page 254 of BLACK PRISONER OF WAR:  The military's policy was: "We are not going to prefer charges, for example, against any man on the basis of any statement he may have made, simply on that basis."  According to Page 562 of HONOR Bound "...and Jon Cavaiani,  the later recently captured--briefly consorted with the dissents before having a falling-out."  No where does it suggest Cavaiani consorted with the North Vietnamese.

Court-martials: Contrary to what Daly was told about the charges being dropped because of insufficient evidence, our country did not have the political will to court-martial any POW, nor did they charge Jane Fonda with treason or any of the draft dodgers, including those who left the country. The political climate at that time in America was extremely hostile to the Armed Forces and Political system.

Robert L. Noe. Captain, US Army Special Forces (Retired) MACVSOG CCN 69-70lasix62alasix72a

See Jon Cavaiani's Medal of Honor page